Dienstag, 4. Oktober 2016

Es geht um das Land

Warum ist das Friedensabkommen zwischen der Regierung Kolumbiens und der FARC (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia / Revolutionäre Streitkräfte Kolumbiens) gescheitert? Alle Quellen weisen darauf hin, dass der kolumbianische Ex-Präsident Alvaro Uribe die Fraktion der Neinsager angeführt hat. Und die Tagesschau berichtet, dass die Familie Uribe zu den Großgrundbesitzern gehört. Aber leider ist man wieder (fast) ausschließlich auf linke Medien angewiesen, um festzustellen, dass es tatsächlich um Land und die Interessen bestimmter Teile der Elite geht. TeleSur schreibt:
While the “No” camp is small in numbers, it is a powerful group, it's the ruling elite. From their perspective, Colombia’s society and economy has for decades been “captured” by the illegitimate activities of the rebel group. Uribe, with his staunch right-wing ideology has warned that a deal with the rebels would ruin the economy and push Colombia towards socialism.
The “No” campaign has had the luxury of the support of the mainstream media, including RCN, which is being investigated for supporting paramilitaries.
Und ebenfalls bei TeleSur findet sich ein Hinweis darauf, dass das Friedensabkommen auch Bestimmungen zum Umgang mit Land enthält:
The land reform part of the agreement is meant to begin the redistribution of land in the country away from big absentee landlords to allow campesinos, who were displaced and forced off of their land by paramilitaries working for the landlords, to return and claim their land or receive land for the first time.
Dieser Teil der Friedensverhandlungen war schon vor zwei Jahren abgeschlossen worden. Die BBC meldete am 27. Mai 2013:
Sunday's agreement calls for fair access to land, and rural development - two key causes of the armed conflict. It also calls for the creation of a land bank, as a way to reallocate land, including areas seized illegally during the fighting.
Analysts and aid groups say much of it was taken by far-right paramilitary groups on behalf of cattle ranchers and drug traffickers. The government, however, blames at least a third of the seizures on the Farc - a claim the rebels deny.
Bei der Crisis Group hieß es seinerzeit:
Land reform is not a minor problem—it is the issue at the heart of the Colombian conflict. FARC have long argued that their rebellion was sparked—and remains justified—by unjust landholding patterns that have forced peasant communities into political, social and economic marginalisation. While this stance hardly justifies the extent of FARC’s violence and the serious international crimes it has committed over the course of its insurgency, there is an increasing consensus that violence in the Colombian countryside has thrived upon land inequality and a failed model of rural development. There are other sources and causes of violence in Colombia, but reaching an agreement with FARC on rural development addresses the conflict at the deepest level possible.
(Vgl. auch Justice for Colombia).

Das Scheitern des Vertrags im Plebiszit lässt Schlimmes befürchten. Noch einmal TeleSur:
We have been here before. There have been two peace processes that took years, became very popular in Colombia, and ultimately failed. In the 1980s, a peace process saw thousands of revolutionaries associated with the guerrillas enter politics through the Patriotic Union (UP) party only to be killed by state-backed paramilitaries. From 1999-2002, peace talks ran at Caguan, while the Colombian government built up its military through Plan Colombia. They ended with the Colombian Army driving the FARC out of their safe zone, and another decade and a half of massacres, assassinations, and kidnappings.
While it is the largest, the FARC isn't the only guerrilla group in Colombia. The National Liberation Army (ELN) is also in a peace process with the government, but it is in relatively early stages. Until that process is also concluded, the armed conflict cannot be declared over.

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